Chapter 4
Race and Sport by Donald Siegel
The issue of race and
sport in the United States is somewhat baffling in that many persons would
rather it not be addressed at all even though sport has been intricately intertwined
with racial issues in the United States throughout the Twentieth Century (e.
g., The Black Athlete, 1989). Those who would have us omit the topic altogether
argue that analyses typically single out the black athlete, and then attempt to
explain his/her inordinate success in ways different than we do that of other
groups. Critics contend that this approach is racist, since it perpetuates the
idea that blacks are different, and often inferior. Edwards (1972) asserts that
a typical theme resulting from such analyses is that blacks are physically
superior, but intellectually inferior, to whites. Hoberman (1997) has further
made the case that physical prowess, especially in such sports as basketball,
has become a defining characteristic of the African-American community, and
that beliefs about physical superiority are closely yoked to an
anti-intellectualism that permeates black male culture. Essentially, HobermanÕs
argument is that inordinate attention to and idolization of prominent black
athletes such as Michael Jordan has focused attention away from other more
realistic and important role models, and this, in turn has stunted
intellectual, social and economic development in the black community.
Notwithstanding Edwards
and HobermanÕs observations on the inverse relationship between physical
prowess and intellectual acumen, most studies assessing black-white differences
in athletic performance have focused on physical and physiological parameters,
and have typically found blacks to be more physically suited than whites for
activities requiring speed and power. If interpreted on face value without
critical analysis, it is easy to jump to the conclusion that such differences
are innate and racially determined. As Edwards (1972) points out, this might lead
some to conclude that blacks evolved differently than whites and remain at a
more primitive evolutionary level because they are more closely associated with
lower animals who are also known to possess greater speed and strength. On the
other hand, it is only a short leap to believing that whites evolved to a
higher intellectual level than blacks because they dominate virtually all other
areas. Consequently, an explanation of black dominance in major sports which
focuses predominately on physical differences between blacks and whites often
results in reinforcing stereotypical ideas about black physical prowess rather
than exploring the significance of motivation, intellect, discipline and hard
work in accounting for athletic success.
The belief that blacks are
intellectually inferior to whites can best be illustrated in a sport context by
the comments made by former Los Angeles Dodger Vice President for player
personnel, Al Campanis on the 40th anniversary of Jackie RobinsonÕs arrival
into major league baseball. Campanis was invited to appear on ABC's Nightline
hosted by Ted Koppel. During the interview, Campanis was asked why he thought
so few blacks were in management positions in baseball. Campanis replied:
"I truly believe they may not have some of the necessities to be a field
manager or perhaps a general manager" (Wilhelm, 1987, p. 46). He also
stated that blacks were not adapted to be swimmers because of a lack of
buoyancy. Although Campanis was fired within 48 hours for his comments, it is
interesting to note that he was considered to be one of baseballs more notable
equal-opportunity employers (Neff, 1987), and had a reputation for fairness (Callahan, 1987).
Interestingly, Frank Robinson, baseballÕs first black manager, in a subsequent
interview stated that Campanis was a descent man who simply was a product of
baseballÕs traditional thinking (Wilhelm, 1987).
Such stereotypical
thinking was apparently not an innocuous private matter unique to Campanis,
since at the time only three blacks had managed major league teams, and only
Henry Aaron held an administrative position of any authority, as Vice President
and Director of Player Development for the Atlanta Braves. Frank Robinson, when
asked whether he was surprised by CampanisÕ remarks, corroborated Edwards
assertion in responding that there was a widely held belief in baseball
"... that blacks aren't smart enough to be managers or third-base coaches
or part of the front office. There's a belief that they're fine when it comes
to the physical part of the game, but if it involves brains they just can't
handle it" (Wilhelm, 1987, p. 46).
Ideas about race related
physical differences have also been prevalent, and most certainly were
responsible for the comments of former CBS sportscaster Jimmy "the
Greek" Snyder. In January of 1988, he asserted that blacks were not only
better athletes than whites, but heredity was primarily the reason. He stated
that blacks were bred to be better athletes than whites because slave owners during
the civil war bred "...his big black to his big woman so that he could
have a big black kid." He went on to say that such breeding resulted in
blacks having bigger thighs than whites which gave them an advantage in
athletics (Ballad, 1988). In contrast, he also asserted that white athletes tended to be
lazy and did not practice while blacks did put in the time to excel. Like
Campanis, he commented on blacks and coaching by stating ''They've got
everything. If they take over coaching like everybody wants them to, there's
not going to be anything left for the white people. I mean all the players are
black. The only thing the whites control are the coaching jobs''(Ballard, 1988,
p.7). CBS promptly fired Snyder, who had worked for the network for 12 years.
Seemingly, it is easy to
jump to the conclusion that Snyder was racist, and his off the cuff remarks
about black dominance in the major sports simply reflected a negative bias
against blacks succeeding so emphatically solely because of physical capacities
for which they were not responsible. However, as pointed out by Seligman
(1988), an analysis of what Snyder actually said really was prejudicial against
whites who he labeled as lazy and not willing to put in the practice time
necessary to excel, while he lauded the preeminence of blacks who worked hard
to be better athletes. It was also noted that a number of SnyderÕs
acquaintances conveyed that he was not a racist, and had even paid for the
college tuition of black children from poor backgrounds with no fanfare. In
light of the literature which has existed over the years comparing white and
black samples that typically shows blacks superior to whites on a number of
parameters which affect speed and power, it may just be that Snyder simply distorted
and embellished this information. In an analysis of this incident, Seligman
(1988) suggests that JimmyÕs "...sin lay in simply saying out loud what
millions of Americans know, which is that the races have different physiques on
average" (p. 123). According to Seligman, had Jimmy articulated a more
politically correct environmental explanation for racial differences, such as
discrimination reinforcing attraction to and away from various activities, he
would have been revered rather than lambasted.
Despite the beliefs
about race based abilities that commentators, managers, coaches, owners, and
administrators hold, there are also stereotypes held by performers themselves
which are likely to inhibit or enhance their involvement in an activity. If a
black child believes that she will never be a competitive swimmer because of a
lack of buoyancy, but thinks that she has a biological advantage in sprinting,
she will probably self-select herself into the latter activity. By the same
token, if a white child believes that he can not jump high because of race
based physical limitations, but has the hand-eye coordination necessary for a
sport like tennis, he too will direct his energies to that which he thinks will
bring him success. Seemingly, such beliefs mediate the direction and intensity
of behavior, as much, if not more so than heredity, and can account for current
sport demographics. As well, beliefs, like genes, tend to be passed down from
generation to generation making the resolution of nature-nurture debates
difficult, if not impossible.
Consequently, the
argument for examining this area is to determine what is fact and what is
fiction. Are performance disparities between black and white athletes really a
function of fundamental differences in physique and physiology, or are they a
result of environmental and cultural contingencies? Contrary to what some may
argue, an objective examination of these issues attempts to fairly examine the
evidence, and to challenge beliefs held and conveyed by individuals such as Al
Campanis and Jimmy Ōthe Greek" Snyder. In the end, we may find that these
individuals, like many others are not really bigots, but simply misinformed
about what really is known about race and performance. Seemingly, knowledge can
help us get beyond the false stereotypes that pervade our thinking, and help us
to direct our behavior in more productive directions. In the words of athletic
geneticist Claude Bouchard "... I have always worked with the hypothesis
that ignorance fosters prejudice. And that knowledge is the greatest safeguard
against prejudice" (The Black Athlete, 1989).
Observations of
Demographics
Perhaps the reason that
racial issues in sport capture the attention of so many people is a result of
demographics. African-Americans, who earlier in the century were segregated
into black leagues, have in less than 50 years become the dominant racial group
in basketball and football, despite the fact that they only make up 12% of
the US population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Today(2008 - 2009 data) black players constitute
82% of the NBA, 65% of the WNBA, 67% of the NFL, and 10% of MLB (Lapchick, 2009).
As well, in college 59% of male Division I basketball players and 45% of
football players are black. African-American females constitute 45% of Division
I basketball players and 28% of track and field athletes (NCAA,
2010). From the era of Jackie Robinson when black athletes in white leagues
were an anomaly, to the present day, a role reversal has come about. As seen in
Table 1, black athletes emerged from segregated black leagues after World War
2, and have become disproportionately represented in basketball, football,
track and field, boxing, and to a lesser extent in baseball. This swift
demographic shift has stimulated a great deal of interest in the question of
why blacks have become such a dominant force in our major sports.
Table 1. Changing
Demographics in Major Sports.
|
NBA |
|
|
|
In 1949 there were no black NBA players. In 1950 Chuck Cooper was the first black signed by an NBA team. In 1958 the proportion of blacks in the general population approximated the percentage of blacks playing professional basketball. In 1998, 77% of all professional basketball players were black. |
|
|
|
NFL |
|
|
|
In 1944 there were no blacks in professional "white" football. In 1946 Marion Motley is the first black in "white" professional football. In 1960 the proportion of blacks in the general population approximated the percentage of blacks playing professional football. In 1985, 52% of all professional football players were black. In 1998 65% of all professional football players were black. |
|
|
|
MLB |
|
|
|
In 1946 there were no blacks in "white" MLB. In 1947 Jackie Robinson was the first black to sign with a "whit" team In 1957 the proportion of blacks in the general population approximated the percentage of blacks playing professional baseball (11-12%). In 1998 15% of all professional baseball players were black. |
As might be expected,
intercollegiate athletics have paralleled the professional story. For example
in 1948 - 10% of college basketball teams had a black member. By 1966 - 45% of college
basketball teams had a black member. In 1975 - 92% of college basketball teams
had a black member (Berhorn and Yetman, 1976). In 1997 - 61% of male Division 1
basketball players were black. Perhaps the rise of the black collegiate athlete
is demonstrated best by inclusion in the SEC, the last major athletic
conference to integrate (Eitzen and Sage, 1986). In 1968 there were 11 blacks
on athletic scholarship in the SEC, but Alabama, Auburn, Florida, Mississippi,
Mississippi State, LSU, and Georgia remained all white. By 1970 there were 41
blacks receiving scholarships and only LSU and Mississippi did not have a black
athlete. But by 1972 there were 100 blacks playing on SEC football teams and
many others participating in basketball and track. Eitzen and Sage (1986) point
out that by this time Tennessee and Mississippi had black starting
quarterbacks. They also dramatize the rise of the black athlete in conveying
that at the University of Alabama in 1968 no blacks were on any of its teams,
but by 1975 its basketball team had an all black starting line-up! Given that
just 12 years earlier, Governor George Wallace physically blocked black
students from enrolling at the University, this was remarkable progress for
black athleteÕs inclusion in the world of intercollegiate athletics. Today, in
Division I of the NCAA black males make-up 60% of basketball players and 51% of
football players and 27% of track athletes, while black females constitute 35%
of basketball players and 31% of track athletes (NCAA, 1998).
Not only have African
Americans come to demographically dominate basketball, football, and track in
the United States, but they have also excelled when excellence is considered.
Only one of the 14 gold medals won by male U.S. athletes at the Atlanta Olympic
games was won by a white. Furthermore, Price (1997a) points out that 23% of
players in the 1998 baseball all-star game were black. As well, in 1997 13 of
the 15 individuals selected for USA Today's All-USA high school basketball team
were black, and 23 out of the 25 members selected for the All-USA high school
football team were black. Finally, blacks have dominated the world heavy weight
boxing title since 1937 when Joe Louis became champion, interrupted only by
Rocky Marciano (1952-55), Igemar Johannson (1959-60) and Jerry Cooney
(1983-84).
Certain sports seem
dominated by African Americans and others by Whites
While African Americans
are disproportionately represented in sports such as basketball, football,
track and boxing, it should be noted that they are underrepresented in
activities such as lacrosse, soccer, hockey, swimming, tennis, golf, and
skating. As pointed out by Price (1997a), this may be because white male
athletes have, and are in the process of migrating away from activities in
which they do not believe they can compete with more talented black athletes.
By the same token, a disproportionate number of African American athletes, for
a variety of reasons, believe that they are athletically superior to whites,
and have a reasonable shot one day of becoming a professional athlete in
basketball or football. Consequently, the contingencies currently favor the
development of blacks and whites moving into different sports because of their
beliefs held about the likelihood of present and future success. This, of
course, is based on many unsubstantiated stereotypical convictions about
biological advantages and disadvantages, and upon modeling of successful
professional athletes who in basketball, football and track are
disproportionately black. Also at the core of these sociological sport
migrations might be the opportunity structure for future employment in which it
is still widely believed that blacks are severely restricted. Consequently, It
is not surprising that sport has become more important to black children than
to white children. This is aptly captured by William Ellerbee, basketball coach
of national power Simon Gratz High in Philadelphia, who believes:
"Suburban kids tend to play for the fun of it. Inner-city kids look at
basketball as a matter of life or death" (Price, 1997a).
What reasons have
been given for these demographic anomalies?
To account for the
dominance of blacks in our major team sports, like Jimmy Ōthe Greek"
Snyder and Al Campanis, writers have invoked biological explanations. For
example, in 1971 Kane wrote a controversial article that cited a number of studies which
were used to support the contention that blacks are superior to whites in speed
and power because of an inherited biological predisposition. The typical
experimental paradigm across studies cited was to measure a constellation of
anthropological, physiological, and/or performance based parameters on black
and white samples and then to infer that any observed differences were racially
linked.
For example, Kane cited
a study by Tanner (1960) in which 137 black and white track and field athletes,
weightlifters, and wrestlers who participated in the 1958 British and
Commonwealth Games, and the 1960 Olympic games, were photographed and x-rayed.
Contrasts were made on such variables as leg length, arm length, hip width,
calf circumference, bone density and fat percentage. Results showed blacks to
have longer arms and legs, narrower hips, wider bones, narrower calf muscles,
and lower subcutaneous fat percentages. Kane cited a number of other studies
using a similar experimental paradigm in which blacks were found to have
smaller lung capacities, and greater flexibility. He also cited several growth
and development studies which suggested that: (a)Ugandan infants are physically
more mature at three days of age than European infants , (b) black children
out-performed white children on a composite fitness test which included such
items as the shuttle run, 50-yard dash, and 600-yard run, and (c) African
American boys out performed white boys on pull-ups, standing broad jump, 50
yard dash, softball throw and 600-yard run walk. Kane also cited a study by
anthropologist Robert Malina on children between 6 and 12 years of age which
found that blacks were faster and jumped further than whites, but did not throw
further. The compilation of such data led Kane to conclude, as stated by
Malina, "Mechanically speaking, a black athlete with legs identical to
those of a white athlete would have a lighter, shorter and trimmer mass to
propel. This implies a greater power-to-total-weight ratio at any given size.
Such a ratio would be advantageous in events in which the body is propelled-the
sprints and jumps, for example. These require relatively short bursts of muscular
power rather than a prolonged expenditure of energy" (p. 79). However,
Malina also stated that this seeming advantage could be offset by the greater
density of the black skeleton.
Kane then attempted to
explain the poor showing of blacks in swimming by suggesting that this could
very well be a function of the blackÕs greater bone and muscle density, smaller
lung capacity, and less advantageous fat distribution. All of these factors, he
argued, could decrease buoyancy, and thus make swimming more difficult.
Although the argument suggests a physical and physiological limitation for
blacks as competitive swimmers, Kane does interview renown Olympic and
collegiate swimming coach James Councilman who conveys his belief that the
paucity of black representation in the swimming world is more a function of
opportunity and interest than of physical limitations.
While Jimmy "the
Greek" Snyder was castigated, in part, for espousing a survival of the
fittest breeding hypothesis for superiority of blacks as athletes, it is
interesting that Kane proposes a similar theme throughout his article. For
example, he cites then Dallas Cowboy star, and prominent black athlete, Calvin
Hill who stated:
I have a theory about
why so many pro stars are black. I think it boils down to the survival of the
fittest. Think of what the African slaves were forced to endure in this country
merely to survive. Well, black athletes are their descendants. They are the
offspring of those who are physically and mentally tough enough to survive
(pps. 78-79).
Kane then quotes Lee
Evans, a black athlete who held the Olympic and 400-meter record:
We were bred for it.
Certainly the black people who survived in the slave ships must have contained
a high proportion of the strongest. Then, on the plantations, a strong black
man was mated with a strong black woman. We were simply bred for physical
qualities (p. 79).
Later on in the article,
Kane returns to this theme, admitting that the "breeding hypothesis"
is among the most controversial theories regarding black success in sport.
Nonetheless, without citing sources, he presents data which estimates that
because of the great hardships involved in slavery only one individual survived
for every two condemned to it. The inference here is that the strongest survived
and ultimately were the ancestors of the physically superior black athletes.
While there are many
issues regarding KaneÕs article that need to be addressed, one can not but
wonder about the harsh reactions to Jimmy "the Greek" and Al
Campanis. Although there are many good reasons to refute their Social Darwinist
perspectives, it is entirely understandable why they may have thought the way
they did about the success of blacks in athletics. KaneÕs article was not
published in a white supremacist publication, but Sports Illustrated! Both
individuals were not academics, but likely to accept what seemed like plausible
arguments at face value. Given the past and present demographics, the
biological hypothesis is a reasonable deduction. Even some prominent black
athletes thought it a viable explanation for disproportionate representation.
However, as with any scientific hypothesis, reliable and valid data needs to be
collated before it can be accepted or refuted. It should be noted that unlike
more innocuous scientific hypotheses, this one has become politicized to the
point where conclusions were often derived before adequate data were acquired,
analyzed, and interpreted.
The case against the
biological argument. Perhaps the strongest argument against the biological
hypothesis supporting a genetic advantage for the black athlete is that the
concept of "race" itself is viewed today as more of a sociological
than a biological construct. In theory, for individuals to be members of the
same race they should possess relatively homogenous genetic material, and be
heterogeneous with respect to other homogenous groups. In his presidential
address to the American Anthropological Society Washburn (1963) strongly argued
against the existence of such entities, especially when limited to what we
commonly know as Caucasoid, Negroid, and Mongoloid classification. He wrote
that such classificatory schemes were a product of nineteenth-century thinking,
and that to appreciate human variation it is much more productive to examine an
individualÕs culture, ancestral migratory patterns, and environmental
adaptation than to target a minor factor like skin color as a racial
determinant. As an example he asks whether it makes any sense to place the
relatively isolated Australian Aborigine into the same group as the inhabitants
of Africa just because of skin color? Further, he points out that even within
groups within Africa such as the Pygmies, there are at least three different
origins for people so classified. The point being that because of a variety of
historical factors homogenous genetic groups are not existent in todayÕs world.
More recently, biologist, Richard Lewontin reaffirmed WashburnÕs contention in
stating: "if you pick at random any two ŌblacksÕ walking along the street,
and analyze their 23 pairs of chromosomes, you will probably find that their
genes have less in common than do the genes of one of them with a random white
person" (Begley, 1995). Data from the Human Genome Diversity Project
confirms these assertions by showing that inter-individual genetic variation
between people in the same sociological racial grouping is much greater than
between the averages contrasted across different classifications (Begley,
1995).
Operationalized to the
sports world one can look at white basketball players such as 6Õ3" Phoenix Suns guard Steve Nash and 7Õ1" Los Angeles Lakers center Pau Gasol and
black players such as 6Õ0" Detroit Pistons guard Alan Iverson, and
6'11" Boston Celtics center Kevin Garnett, and ask who appears to have more
in common: the black players, the white players, or the players at the
positions of guard and center? The concept that race as a biological entity is
meaningless does not connote that we are all the same. Surely, human variation
which provides advantages and disadvantages to people participating in
different activities is a very real phenomenon. Indeed, it is clearly shown in
Table 2 that certain somatotypes and physiological capabilities are associated
with certain types of athletic events (Carter, 1970). As shown in bold, one
observes that swimmers tend to be much lower on the endomorphic component than
football players, basketball players tend to be higher on the ectomorphic
component than other athletic groups, and weight lifters tend to be highest on
the mesomorphic component. While variability exists across activities, it is
evident and logical that at high levels of performance task demands require
athletes to possess an appropriate body type. For example, football players and
weightlifters need to be strong and bulky (high meso and high endo), basketball
players need to be lean and tall (low endo and high ecto), while swimmers need
to be strong but lean (high meso and low endo). The point, however, is that
systematic variation in body configuration does not co-vary with any meaningful
designation of biological race.
Table 1. CarterÕs
Collated Somatotype Data of High Level Athletes in Different Activities.
|
Sample |
N |
AGE |
HT |
WT |
Endo |
Meso |
Ecto |
|
San Diego State Swimmers |
24 |
19.9 |
179.3 |
74.9 |
2.4 |
5.4 |
2.6 |
|
Cureton's Champions |
21 |
21.4 |
183.4 |
79.6 |
2.9 |
5.4 |
2.7 |
|
English Channel Swimmers |
11 |
NA |
171.5 |
86.4 |
4.1 |
5.1 |
2.0 |
|
Swimmers |
56 |
20.6 |
179.3 |
78.9 |
2.9 |
5.3 |
2.5 |
|
San Diego Football Players |
35 |
21.3 |
184.4 |
94.4 |
4.2 |
6.3 |
1.4 |
|
U. of Iowa Football Players |
20 |
19.9 |
182.1 |
86.1 |
3.2 |
6.2 |
1.6 |
|
Oregon Football Players |
66 |
20.3 |
181.6 |
84.9 |
3.6 |
5.5 |
2.1 |
|
Football Players |
121 |
20.5 |
182.5 |
87.8 |
3.7 |
5.9 |
1.8 |
|
Cureton Track & Field Champs |
19 |
24.2 |
179.6 |
72.6 |
2.5 |
5.2 |
3.1 |
|
1960 Olympic T&F Throwers |
14 |
23.6 |
189.2 |
100.3 |
2.8 |
6.7 |
1.4 |
|
Track & Field Athletes |
33 |
23.9 |
183.7 |
84.4 |
2.6 |
5.8 |
2.3 |
|
San Diego State Basketball Pls |
10 |
20.6 |
190.0 |
83.4 |
2.4 |
4.9 |
3.3 |
|
U. of Iowa BB Players |
10 |
19.6 |
186.9 |
79.7 |
2.7 |
4.9 |
3.0 |
|
USSR BB Players |
8 |
NA |
192.5 |
87.5 |
2.9 |
4.6 |
4.1 |
|
Basketball Players |
28 |
20.1 |
189.6 |
83.3 |
2.7 |
4.8 |
3.4 |
|
British Empire Games Wt. Lift |
29 |
26.2 |
167.9 |
73.1 |
1.8 |
7.6 |
.9 |
|
USSR Weight Lifters |
54 |
NA |
164.6 |
77.2 |
4.2 |
6.6 |
1.0 |
|
Weight Lifters |
83 |
26.2 |
165.8 |
75.8 |
3.4 |
6.9 |
1.0 |
|
US College "Non-Athletes" |
18 |
19.5 |
181.9 |
76.8 |
5.0 |
3.3 |
3.4 |
1
Endo is associated with an emphasis on digestive viscera.
2
Meso is associated with an emphasis on muscular tissue.
3
Ecto is associated with and emphasis on nervous system tissue.
The Case of the
Kenyan Runner. It is of interest that in KaneÕs article allusions are made
to the idea that the black athlete has a higher percentage of
"fast-twitch" motor fibers than white athletes. This would give them
an advantage in activities that require speed and power. This could, in theory,
account for why only blacks were finalists in the 1968 Olympic 100 meter dash.
But it also creates a problem in accounting for why blacks from Kenya,
beginning with Kip Keino, have dominated longer distance events. Conceivably, a
higher percentage of slow twitch fibers would be advantageous here since
endurance, rather than power, is essential. In KaneÕs article it is suggested
that Keino was an exception who had a different physiological heritage than the
West African blacks from which African American blacks are descended. While this
may be so, it is quite interesting that even Kane acknowledges a difference in
underlying heredity between West and East Africans, which actually supports
WashburnÕs (1963) contention that culture, migratory patterns, and environment
are the primary factors that shape the genetic material which determines
anatomy and physiology.
Since KeinoÕs world
records at 3,000 and 5,000 meters in the mid-1960s and his victory over
AmericaÕs best miler, Jim Ryun, in the 1968 Olympics, Kenyans and North
Africans have dominated the distance events. In an attempt to explain why
Kenyan runners have become the dominant force in distance running, Moore (1990) examined
Kenyan culture and its physical environment. Essentially, he found that a
combination of factors are responsible for their success including: (a) living
at an altitude of 7,000 feet, (b) eating a diet high in complex carbohydrates,
(c) being part of a community in which running is the primary means of
transportation, and (d) coming from a stoic culture which reinforces
competition and the suppression of pain. The result of such a profile suggests
that, over time, Kenyans may have developed biological traits that would give
them an advantage in the longer distances where they have been so successful.
But the vigorous culture in which they live also is probably responsible for
their attitude about running, and their striving to achieve success on the
world stage. That Kenyans have a biological advantage over other groups of
athletes coming from different parts of the world appears to be corroborated by
a number of studies which show them (a) able to perform at a higher percentage
of their V02 Max (e.g.,
89% vs. 81% - Noakes, 1990), and (b) having quadriceps with greater
capillarization, smaller muscle fibers which contain mitochondria that are
closer to capillaries, and more muscle enzymes which burn fat and spare
glycogen and protein (Saltin in Burfoot, 1992). Such a profile gives Kenyans
what appears to be a high resistance to fatigue when compared to other groups
of people.
Consequently, we now
have two very different types of black athlete, those of West African descent,
from which it has been alleged that most blacks in the United States are
descendents, and those who come from East and North Africa. The former group
are commonly linked to the power and speed events such as sprinting and high
jumping, while the latter are more typically associated with events such as the
mile run or marathon in which endurance and persistence are the essential
factors. It is interesting to note that Burfoot (1992), after making a more
modern case for the biological superiority of the black athlete in yoking
achievement to physique in both sprinting and distance events, ultimately
writes:
The word
"black" provides little information about any one or any group. Of
the 100,000 genes that determine human makeup, only one to six regulate skin
color, so we should assume nothing about anyone based on skin color alone. West
Africans and East Africans are both black, but in many physical ways they are
more unlike each other than they are different from most whites. (p. 94).
Burfoot goes on to
acknowledge that only one assumption is important when talking about Africans
and athletic performance, and that is that the variety of peoples who live
there "represent the fullest and most spectacular variations of humankind
to be found anywhere" (p. 94). Interestingly, this theme is central to
Gladwell (1997), who, once again, revives the question about why blacks
dominate our most visible sports. He elaborates on this notion by citing work
by Yale biologist Kenneth Kidd who took DNA samples from two Pigmy tribes in
Zaire and the Central African Republic and compared them to similar samples of
groups from other parts of the world. What he found was that there was more
generic variation in the Pigmy samples that in all the other samples combined.
In essence, all of the genetic variation observed throughout the world was
contained in the Pigmy sample. Gladwell makes the point that if one can
generalize from such findings, it is logical to infer that optimal athletic
attributes are more likely to be found in individuals of African ancestry. This
is so because greater biological variation would result in a greater number of
individuals having optimal characteristics for certain types of athletic
events. On the other hand, It is also likely, as he conveys, that there will be
many individuals of African ancestry who have a genetic makeup that is the
antithesis of what would be required for developing into a world class athlete.
The point is that in the past researchers have focused on central tendencies
between groups having certain phenotypic properties, and it is much more
telling to examine variability in the genetic material within such cohorts.
The question of who
is black. While the variability hypothesis is intriguing, it is not without
problems. For one, it may be that certain groups possess greater variation in
genetic material than others, but this property has not been shown to be
isomorphic with skin color. As well, even if one could demonstrate such a
relationship, it would be necessary to also demonstrate that this factor was
causal in black athletic preeminence. To date, none of these relationships have
been shown to be true.
Furthermore, in the
United States, where black athletes have excelled on both the national and
international level, the assumption of intra-group homogeneity is problematic
since migratory patterns and intermarriage among peoples from different
groupings have created a genetic admixture which is too complex to meaningfully
disentangle. Price (1997b) points out that although most black Americans
are descendants of slaves who emanated from western Africa, 90% have some white
blood in their ancestry. An interesting example of this point is illustrated
when one attempts to categorize Tiger Woods. He has been hailed by some as the
first black golfer to win the Masters. But Tiger contends that he does not
consider himself black, but "cablinasian," which more accurately
portrays his Caucasian, Black, American Indian and Asian heritage (El Nasser, 1997).
Again, from a sociological viewpoint what constitutes a black in the United
States relates to whether or not an individual has any black ancestry, rather
than whether his or her underlying genetics is representative of a group of
people a common gene pool (Wright, 1994). Consequently, even if we were to subscribe to the
variability hypothesis conveyed by Burfoot (1992) and Gladwell (1997), we would
still have the problem of identifying individuals who were members of the group
to which the idea applied. Simply categorizing individuals as black or white
would not be enough.
Linking Genetic
Attributes to Specific Athletic Abilities. Another issue that deserves
further scrutiny is what to make of studies which over the years have found
anthropometric and physiological differences between white and black samples?
For example, what meaning should be given to findings such as summarized in
KaneÕs (1971) article that blacks have proportionately longer legs, narrower
hips, wider calf bones, greater ratios of tendon to muscle, and relatively
greater bone densities than whites? Is it reasonable to conclude that such
differences, if they really exist, would give blacks an advantage in speed and
power events? Indeed, is there any scientific evidence which definitively shows
that such differences are the basis for observed differences in athletic performance.
Price (1997b) makes the point that although such morphologic differences are
interesting and suggestive, it is premature to assume that they can account for
the performance differences found between the individual who breaks the world
record and the individual who finishes 10th. He goes on to point out that Carl
Lewis fits the perfect profile of a sprinter who is tall, long-legged, and
possessing narrow hips. But during his prime he was beaten four times by Ron
Brown who was shorter and stockier.
Malina (1986) also makes
the important point that despite many studies which show differences in motor
performance among groups classified according to racial labels, the
relationship between performance differences and genetic factors have not been
examined. Consequently, any differences found in performance can not be
causally linked to genetic factors. Thus, uncertainty remains whether
differences in performance, or for that matter differences in physical and
physiological attributes, are primarily a function of genetics, environment or
a combination of the two.
It is also interesting
to note that Saltin (Burfoot, 1992) compared Kenyan and Swedish runners and
found a number of small but important physiological differences which could
give Kenyans an advantage in endurance events. He suggested that environment
and training could account for observed disparities in muscle profiles and
general energy utilization. Specifically, he conveyed that years of walking and
running could lead to the type of physiological adaptations that make energy
expenditures more economical. He also noted that Nordic skiers and orienteers
who engage in activities having similar demands also have similar muscle
physiology. Indeed, research has demonstrated that hill running over as short
as a twelve week training program can increase running efficiency by as much as
3%
Perhaps, in the end,
Price (1997b) puts it best in stating:
Given the logistical
difficulty of testing large groups of top athletes under laboratory conditions,
and the complexity held within the 100,000 genes that shape a personÕs
characteristics, the only safe conclusion is this: SportsÕ
nature-versus-nurture debate is a long way from being resolved.
The case against the
breeding hypothesis. One of the ideas that was conveyed by Jimmy the Greek
Snyder, and is mentioned by Kane as being controversial, is the notion that
slavery weeded out the weak. The survivors then bred amongst themselves to
produce a class of physically superior specimens. Following this hypothesis, Kane
infers, that it is by this process by which todayÕs black athletes have gained
a biological advantage.
While seemingly logical
as an hypothesis the contention is really without merit for several reasons.
First, as previously indicated, blacks did not reproduce as though they were a
closed biological system. There is substantial evidence that slaves bore
offspring who were interracial (Stern, 1954). A tradition of interracial
reproduction in the United States has continued to the present, and would cast
considerable doubt on the assertion that slaves and their descendents
represented some type of "pure stock." A second argument against the
breeding hypothesis is proposed by Edwards (1972) who argues that the Darwinian
notion of "survival of the fittest" is less applicable to humans than
other forms of animal life since intellect can often overcome physical
limitations. He contends that just as some slaves may have survived because of
their physical prowess, others survived because of their intellect and capacity
to overcome the system.
On a final note Kane
(1971) infers that black athletes differ from white athletes on the
psychological variable of anxiety control. He states:
What heritage or
heredity brought the black athlete this ability to keep out tension, no one
knows. Yet, prior to the big day the black athlete, as a rule, can go through
his daily motions or his sleep period normally, and when the big moment comes
he can react normally. In white athletes the conscious mind often takes over
and the tension mounts (p. 76).
But Cashmore () points
out that although such a description may have "... a common-sense
authenticity about it" (p. 87), black athletes actually work at presenting
an image of coolness. He goes on to argue that blacks are probably more
concerned about their performances than whites since athletics is normally less
recreational for them, more important for acquiring status in the community,
and more typically viewed as a career path. Cashmore believes that Kane
"...mistook impression management for deep psychological profiles"
(p. 87) in his psychological portrayal of the black athlete. Carlston (1986)
seemingly would support CashmoreÕs analysis as he so eloquently pointed out
that style and expressiveness are critical ingredients of basketball
performance of blacks in the inner city. Showing coolness under pressure would
be part of such a persona, despite the high psychological risks at stake within
playground competitions. Furthermore, a recent pole by Sports Illustrated also
supports CashmoreÕs contention regarding greater career aspirations in
athletics for blacks than whites. When middle school and high school students
were asked: "Realistically, what could you become when you grow up?"
57% of blacks said Pro Athlete, while only 41% of whites did so (Price, 1997a).
The bottom line here is that there is really no good empirical evidence to
support KaneÕs contention, and more interesting evidence suggests that style is
being confused with the stereotype of blacks being "happy go lucky"
in pressure situations.
The Environmental
Argument
If the success of black
athletes can not be attributed to unique physical and physiological differences
that are associated with race, then an alternative explanation might be found in
the environment. This is the case that Edwards (1973) has made over the years
with the basic contention being that because of the lack of opportunities
resulting from discrimination in other more mainstream areas, blacks have
disproportionately pursued sport as an area in which success is possible.
Marshalling an extraordinary amount of energy and devoting hours on end to
becoming proficient, they have come to dominate basketball, football, boxing,
and track and field. This, in turn, begins a cycle in which young blacks who
perceive limited opportunities in other areas model individuals, like
themselves, who have achieved social and financial success (Bledsoe, 1973).
Interestingly, this
profile of devoting a vast amount of time and energy to practice over long
durations dovetails nicely with the work by Ericsson and his colleagues
(Ericsson, Krampe, & Tesch-Romer,1993; Ericsson, & Charness, 1994; Starkes & Ericsson, 2003)
which shows that expert performance is predominantly mediated by acquired
complex perceptual-motor skills and physiological adaptations rather than
innate abilities. In essence, Ericsson et al. concluded that across a wide
range of endeavors, including athletics, to reach world class performance
standards individuals must start young, and practice over a period of at least
10 years, accumulating a minimum of 10,000 hours! Furthermore, they suggest
that the essential ingredient in acquiring so much practice time is motivation
and reinforcement. Interestingly, these observations fit nicely with the vast
number of anecdotal reports describing black inner city youth devoting hours on
end to practicing and playing basketball (e.g., Axthelm, 1970; Hoop Dreams,
1994). Furthermore, Ericsson and colleagues make the important point that when
an activity is started at a young age and pursued intensely during the course
of biological development anatomical structure and physiological functioning
tends to conform to the stresses placed upon the body. Consequently, the
picture that is painted by their analysis is that not only would black youth
become quite expert at the activities for which they are demographically
over-represented, but observed physical differences in anatomy and physiology,
previously ascribed to underlying genetic factors, could easily be accounted
for by adaptation to task demands.
Perhaps, one of the most
astute analyses of black and white differences in performance is by Carlton
(1986) who pointed out that while most writers acknowledge systematic
differences in basketball performance between blacks and whites on such things
as jumping, speed, and reaction time, detailed analysis of causal mechanisms is
typically lacking. Carlton makes the important point that many of the observed
physical differences can be attributed to stylistic differences in how inner city
(i. e., African -American), and suburban (i. e., White) children learn to play
the game. His central thesis is that inner city children learn to play on
playgrounds that are over-crowded, while suburban youth hone their skills on
underutilized courts.
This results in inner
city youth learning to play in the midst of competition. Some of the
consequences of this are that skills are tailored to specific game situations.
For example, one must learn to shoot with deception or oneÕs shot will be
blocked. Passes must be circuitous with appropriate deception, or they will be
intercepted. As well, winning means staying on the court, and losing often
results in having to wait a substantial time until one's turn to play comes
again. This is so unless a losing player demonstrates skills which a new team
wishes to possess. Consequently, playing with flare is rewarded. The
spectacular dunk or blocked shot in a previous game can be rewarded by that
player being selected to play in a subsequent game despite his team having
lost. Gaining a "rep" on the inner city playgrounds can insure an
individual significant playing time despite the large numbers of individuals
vying for a chance to participate in a game. Learning to play in the midst of
competition also promotes a certain physicality in which bumps, and hacks are
part of the game since fouls are typically called by players rather than
officials. Rebounding is also essential to staying on the court. Furthermore,
during half court games, defensive players typically can rebound and score
without first taking the ball behind the foul line, making rebounding critical
to success.
Ultimately, these
conditions produce the best players, since such individuals get the most
playing time to develop their skills, game savvy, and confidence. As well, the
demands of such competitive play over a long period of time, would lead to
physical adaptations described by Ericsson and Charness (1994) and typically
attributed to unique racial inheritance. For example, it is easily deduced that
jumping ability and concomitant physical support structures and mechanisms
would be developed to a high level under the game conditions found in the inner
city because of the fortuitous, but long-term, conditioning that ensues for all
players engaged in this style of play.
In contrast, the
suburban player typically learns the game on underutilized facilities. This
means that often the individual practices alone, and develops skills outside of
a game context. Consequently, shooting skills may be sharply honed, but be
difficult to execute in the presence of defensive players. As well, unlike in
the inner city where courts are crowded, in suburbia players need to be
rounded-up just to have a game. This often entails players coercing individuals
to play who are normally less skillful, and less interested in participating.
Carlston suggests that to keep such individuals happy, more skillful players
must get less skilled players involved, which often means sacrificing
opportunities that better players may have to dominate play and enhance their
own skills. As well, physical contact must be kept to a minimum to appease
recruits. Such a dynamic tends to promote mediocre play in which the intent is
to keep players happy and involved rather than to advance excellence or promote
the development of dramatic "moves".
These stylistic
differences seemingly have not been studied in much detail, but the arguments
provided by CarlstonÕs analysis can adequately explain many of the differences
between black and white basketball players heretofore attributed to innate
factors. As suggested, these differences may actually be cultural rather than
racial. Indeed, in 1996 Brent Barry became the first white to win the NBAÕs
slam-dunk contest. In a subsequent interview, he mentioned that although he
grew-up in an upper-middle class neighborhood, he took week-end trips to
inner-city Oakland in order to find a game (Price, 1997a). He said that if he
went to his high school to play on weekends it would be locked up, but he knew
that if he went downtown garbage cans would be prying the doors of the
gymnasium open and games would be ongoing. Presumably, this is where he
developed the skills and style which ultimately resulted in winning a contest
heretofore reserved for inner city black players.
Another example of how
environmental factors can dispel myths about alleged inherent racial
capabilities is that of the Philadelphia Department of Recreation swim club
(Hoose, 1990). As previously mentioned, a myth has existed that blacks lack
buoyancy because of their increased muscle and bone density. Thus, it has been
inferred that they would not be successful as competitive swimmers.
Nonetheless, one must also acknowledge that swimming facilities have been
relatively scarce in black neighborhoods , and historically whites have been
reluctant to share their swimming pools with them. Furthermore, in contrast to
money sports such as basketball and football, there is little financial
incentive for those who make it to the top. Consequently, there has been little
interest in, or tradition of African-Americans excelling in swimming.
However, an anomaly has
been the program run by Jim Ellis, who has "... turned swimming into a
normal experience for black kids in the city of Philadelphia" (Hoose 1990,
p. 49). Jim is a junior high math teacher with a passion for teaching the sport
to inner city kids. He is on a mission to produce Olympic caliber swimmers and
to show the fallacy of the stereotype which portrays blacks as
"sinkers." In 1990, three of the 175 swimmers in the club were ranked
in the top six nationally in their events, and eight others were regionally
ranked in the top ten. As well, in 1988, a boys ten and under relay team set a
national record. Michael Norment, then a 14 year old, went on to have a highly
successful swimming career at the University of Georgia (Schlabach, 1997),
while Jason Webb, who was 15, excelled at the University of Virginia (Price,
1997a). While Ellis has not produced an Olympian yet, the success of his
program is evident (Duerson, 200). Once again the formula for success appears to be years of
intense practice driven by an athleteÕs interest to excel. From this example,
one might surmise that from a biological point of view being black or white has
little to do with success in swimming. It is opportunity, and interest driven
by a supportive subculture that makes the difference. As a greater number of
programs such as EllisÕ develop black swimmers, it is more than likely an
African Americans will be a presence on U.S. Olympic swimming teams.
But just as supportive
conditions can foster athletic prowess, non-supportive ones can discourage
individuals who may be quite capable from even trying. Price (1997a) claims
that because the black athlete has experienced so much success in basketball,
football, and track the white athlete is becoming less interested in these
activities and pursuing alternatives such as soccer, ice hockey, mountain
biking and wall climbing. Price cites data from a Sports Illustrated poll
conducted in 1990 supporting these trends showing for instance: (a) 40% of
black high school students claimed to participate in basketball, while only 15%
of whites said that they did, and (b) 21% of black students said that they
played football while only 15% of whites acknowledged doing so. Furthermore,
from NCAA figures over the period 1984-1990, there has been a decline in the
number of white freshmen on scholarship. In basketball there was an 11% drop
while in football it was 22%.
Additional data from the
Sports Illustrated poll (Price, 1997a) shows that 34% of white male middle
school and high school students did not believe that they can compete with
African Americans in basketball or football. On the other hand 53% of black
students believed that they were superior to whites in basketball and football.
These demographic and attitudinal data seem to suggest that a cycle is in
progress in which white males have begun to believe the stereotype of the
superiority of the black athlete, and in so doing have devalued their own
potential to participate in sports dominated by African Americans.
Interestingly, in the Sports Illustrated poll it was found that whites
identified 33 activities in which they engaged while blacks only identified 20.
Furthermore, 46% of whites indicated that their reason for branching out was
that they felt they could make breakthroughs in less traditional sports while
it was less likely for them to do so in traditional team sports.
If the basis for blacks
dominating team sports in the United States is not based on inherent biological
advantages, as previously argued, then the explanation for "white
flight" into other areas is probably environmental. As described by
CarlstonÕs (1986) theory of stylistic differences in basketball, one could
hypothesize that many of the differences observed in children's sport's
preferences depends upon how games are learned, and the social support systems
which reinforce or dissuade involvement. In the words of William Ellerbee,
basketball coach at national powerhouse Simon Gratz High School in Philadelphia,
"Suburban kids tend to play for the fun of it. Inner city kids look at
basketball as a matter of life and death" (Price, 1997a). Thus, one might
speculate that black inner city kids, whose stature in their community is
defined by their physical prowess (Hoberman, 1997) start earlier in life,
practice more hours, experience greater activity specific developmental
changes, and possess greater self-efficacy in sports such as basketball,
football and track than white youth. On the other hand, suburban white children
view sport involvement more as an adjunct to other activities in which they
engage than one of lifeÕs central themes. Because of economic advantages and
social reinforcement, these kids are directed into many different sorts of
sport related and non-related activities, rather than into just a few team
sports.
On a final note, little,
if anything, has been said about cultural factors which reinforce or inhibit
participation by females in sport. This topic will be covered more fully in the
chapter devoted to women in sport. Nonetheless, it is interesting to observe
that even when biological and environmental conditions are favorable for
producing elite athletes in a particular activity, culture may intervene to
inhibit such development. Perhaps the most interesting example of this is from
Kenya, where males have dominated distance running on the international level
since Kip Keino came to the fore during the 1968 Olympics. In examining best
times across a variety of running events from 800 meters through the marathon,
27 Kenyan men can be found to hold top 10 times. For the same, or closely
similar events, only one Kenyan woman is a top ten finisher, Rose Cheruiyot at
5000 Meters. Why should this be considering that biological and environmental
conditions are recognized in Kenya as being optimal for producing distance
runners?
As Villarosa (1992)
writes, Kenyan "...tradition has swallowed up women runners as quickly as
it has spit out male superstars" (p. 98). As one examines Kenyan culture,
it can be clearly observed that although girls run with the boys while growing
up, women are ultimately expected to play traditional roles as mothers and
housewives, and have been discouraged from pursuing running careers that take
them away from home. Seiler (1997) further points out, in comparing the
relative successes of male and female runners in Kenya, that KenyaÕs birth
rate, up until a few years ago, was approximately five times that of West
Germany. Accordingly, he hypothesizes that prolific child rearing contributes
to the population of male runners, but also restricts womenÕs lives, and their
aspirations to train and compete. Villarosa (1992) believes that things are
changing in Kenya, and that the successes of some of its younger female runners
has encouraged young girls "...not to be intimidated by their background
and culture" (p. 101). Given the favorable climate, altitude, diet, and
biological heritage of Kenyan females, it seems that cultural disincentives,
and beliefs about male and female roles, have inhibited them from performing at
world class levels in large numbers.
Seemingly, peoples
beliefs about how they are supposed to behave, cultural mores, historical
traditions, and associated reinforcement have had a powerful impact on athletic
achievement or underachievement. These variables are indifferent to such things
as skin color, gender, class, religion, or any other personal attribute.
Furthermore, as presented, the environmental argument is parsimonious in that
it infers that given a viable biological platform, individuals who are
motivated to practice for long periods of time, starting at an early age, are
able to hone skills and acquire optimal physiological mechanisms for performing
at elite levels. From this perspective, skin color is only important in this
equation to the extent that it affiliates one with a culture that supports or
opposes athletic achievement.
Conclusions
From these observations
the following conclusions seem warranted. First, a great deal of misinformation
exists about race and sport, and the assertions made by people like Al Campanis
and Jimmy "the Greek" Snyder about black capabilities in a variety of
endeavors are more understandable in light of information found in the general
media. Although their statements may have been hurtful to many, neither of
these individuals were racists. They simply conveyed beliefs and stereotypes
about blacks and whites that have been perpetuated in newspapers and magazines,
and have gone virtually challenged until the last few years.
Second, it has become
clear that race as a biological entity is a meaningless concept. Today,
physical anthropologists and geneticists believe that there is as much genetic
variability within what were once traditionally believed to be racial groups,
as between them. Divergence of what once may have been more homogeneous
grouping came about as a result of migrations and interbreeding of populations
over thousands of years. Consequently, the concept of race has become
meaningful only as a broad sociological concept. This is not to say that
genetic makeup is unimportant as a basis for athletic excellence. This also
does not infer that groups of people distributed around the world do not have
advantages in certain athletic endeavors, as environment, culture, and heredity
may be advantageous, in certain instances, for producing individuals with
optimal height, weight, muscle structure, and temperament for excelling in a
particular activity (e.g., Kenyans and distance running or Norwegians and
cross-country skiing). The point, however, is that such groupings do not
represent what is traditionally believed to be racial groups.
Third, it can be argued
that even when certain groups of people scattered around the world do have
predisposing advantages for excelling in particular activities, individuals who
reach world class levels represent the extremes within group distributions
rather than its central tendency. This probably distorts general perceptions of
a group's attributes and makes differences appear greater than they actually
are. Michael Jordan is clearly an anomaly. To portray him as somehow reflective
of blacks coming from western North Carolina is absurd, as this group has more
in common with typical whites living in western North Carolina than they do
with Michael Jordan.
Finally, the observation
that world class performers devote years of time to practicing intensely must
be underscored. Not only do such individuals acquire skills and capabilities
that are necessary for excellence, but by starting young, they also shape their
bodies and physiology to the demands of the activities pursued. The fact that
African-Americans males have used athletic prowess in sports such as
basketball, track, football, and boxing as a rite of passage is consistent with
the idea that excellence comes from many years of hard work rather than from a
unique chromosome or two. On the other hand, flight away from these activities
by white males does not demonstrate genetic shortcomings, but a lack of
commitment to doing those things necessary to excel. Of course, success by one
group and lack of it by another leads to all kinds of beliefs about racial
superiority and inferiority that have no basis in fact, but, nevertheless,
mediate the sorts of behavior that maintains the status quo.
Equity Issues
Despite continued
interest in questions relating to race and performance, an area which has
received greater attention over the past few years concerns equity in sports.
At first this may seem like a strange issue considering the demographics of our
major athletic activities. As previously reported, African-American males are
vastly over represented in collegiate basketball, football, and track.
Additionally, they are over-represented in professional basketball, football,
track, and boxing. Furthermore, African-American
females are disproportionally represented in relation to their population size
in collegiate basketball and track (Siegel, 1994). The WNBA also has a
disproporianally large representation of African-American females. But, such
disproportionality in select sports also makes one wonder about under-
representation of black athletes in a much wider variety of other sports
including: hockey, golf, tennis, swimming, skiing, volleyball, and canoeing?
As well, a second major
equity issue concerns control in sports. While African-Americans dominate as
players in our revenue producing activities, they are vastly under-represented
in positions of ownership, management and coaching. Some have presented the
picture of a "plantation system" in athletics in which blacks perform
on the playing fields for whites who control the action. Interestingly the 2003
Gender and Racial Report Card (Lapchick, 2004) shows that although professional
sports, in general (excluding NBA, MLB, and NHL), had not improved with regard
to racial equity in front office demographics, the NCAA had made some headway
(excluding the top position of athletic director) This issue has also received
attention from the sports media, and suggestions have been presented for how
demographics might be changed in a Ņtown meetingÓ orchestrated by ESPN several
years ago (e.g., ESPN, 1998).
A third issue that has
been studied over the years relates to what has become known as
"stacking." This phenomenon relates to the likelihood of white and
black players being disproportionately represented in certain playing positions
such as pitcher and outfielder in baseball or quarterback and cornerback in
football. Various hypotheses have been advanced for the observation that whites
are more likely to be found in positions of centrality while blacks tend to
occupy more peripheral roles. Whether institutional racism is responsible for
the distribution of players of different races across positions or some other
dynamic will be explored.
A final question that
touches on equity is that of the racial demography of fans who attend athletic
events. With player salaries at unprecedented levels, ticket prices have risen
accordingly. As well, owners of teams have changed the nature of playing venues
creating skyboxes and other types of luxury viewing areas which are affordable
only to the well-off. These developments have led to the creation of a
well-to-do fan base. Since race and income are related in the United States, this
has also resulted in the strange situation of a predominantly white audience
viewing predominantly black athletes competing against one another. The
question of whether or not this represents a larger problem will be discussed.
Playing Opportunities.
Perhaps the area which has provided the greatest opportunities for minorities
in sport is in playing positions. As conveyed in Chapter 2, sport has
historically provided a means through which individuals lower on the
socioeconomic ladder were able to achieve recognition and wealth when other
avenues were closed off to them. Whether foreclosure in other areas was due to
a lack of knowledge, expertise, or just blatant discrimination, sport provided
greater opportunities by allowing merit to weigh more heavily into who got to
do what. Of course, this is not to imply that sport was unscathed by the
discriminatory practices characteristic of the larger society. Indeed, although
blacks were involved in boxing and track and field earlier in the century, it
was not really until the latter half of the 20th Century that they were allowed
to participate in mainstream professional sports. From the historic 1947 season
when Jackie Robinson was the first black to play in an heretofore all white
professional league through the present, ability has progressively become the
determining factors in player demographics.
Recent data from the
2007-08 season shows that blacks made up 82% of NBA players, 67% of NFL
players, 10% of MLB players, 2% of NHL players (Morrison, & Frantz, 2010), 20% of MLS players, and 65% of
WNBA players (Lapchick, 2010). As well during 2005-06, black males made up 591% of basketball
players and 45% of football players on NCAA Division 1 teams, while their
female cohorts made up 45% of basketball players, and 28% of
cross-track athletes in Division 1 (NCAA, 2010).
However, when one
examines sports other than basketball, football, baseball, boxing and track and
field the presence of black athletes decreases dramatically. With the exception
of Tiger Woods it is difficult to name another prominent black golfer. In
tennis the names Venus Williams and Serena Williams identify two prominent
players who happen to be black, but it is not evident who a third might be. In
sports such as soccer, hockey, tennis, golf, swimming, lacrosse, skiing, and
skating few blacks are to be found. For example, in Divison 1 NCAA sports
during 2005-06 black males made up only 6% of baseball players, 4% of
gymnasts, 8% of soccer players, and 5% of tennis players, while their female
counterparts made up 8% of
softball players, 5% of gymnasts, 6% of soccer players, and 6% of tennis
players (NCAA, 2010).
Clearly, such
dramatically different percentages of blacks and whites engaged in various
sports are not random events. As noted earlier, it appears that blacks
concentrate on sports in which future economic incentives exist (e.g.,
basketball and football), and in which exclusive training facilities,
equipment, and personalized coaching is not necessary during the developmental
years. On the other hand, whites tend to gravitate toward individual sports in
which developmental expenses are relatively high. As well, they tend to engage
in team sports in which future employment as professionals is minimal.
Seemingly, economics is partially responsible for these patterns, as is
discrimination. As well, once begun, it is conceivable that role modeling and
culture play a part in filtering persons coming from different backgrounds into
particular activities.
Perhaps all that can be
said about these tendencies from an equity point of view is that both blacks
and whites do not avail themselves of all sports opportunities existent in the
United States today. Ultimately this may have implications for such things as
taking advantage of the full menu of college athletic scholarships offered
across sports (Siegel, 1994), or future playing careers as professional
athletes.
Ownership. In professional sports major
decisions about a playerÕs plight are made by owners. Within league constraints
(e.g., salary cap guidelines) they determine salaries and bonuses, selection of
coaches, who gets traded, and whether a franchise stays or remains in a
specific location. As conveyed by Lapchick & Mathews (1998), normally a
team is owned by a group of investors rather than by a single individual. The
group then designates a chief executive officer, normally a majority investor,
from their ranks who takes on the principal responsibilities for running the
team on a day to day basis. From a recent analysis Lapchick (2004)
reports that the good news for 2003 was that Black Entertainment Network owner,
Robert Johnson, ŅÉbecame the first
African-American majority owner in professional sport when he was awarded the
right to purchase the NBAÕs new franchise in CharlotteÓ (p. 4). As well, during
2002, Donald V. Watkins was a contender to purchase the Minnesota Twins. Interestingly, Lapchick points out
that: ŅIn all of professional sport, where it is estimated that there are more
than 300 minority owners on the 147 franchises, there are 10 African-American,
two Latino and 48 women who are minority ownersÓ (p.24).
Some of the limited partners in these leagues who
are black include Magic Johnson, former NBA great, has a limited partnership
with the Los Angeles Lakers. As well, Edward and Bettiann Garder have a part
ownership in the Chicago Bulls. Henry Aaron (i. e., home run record holder) and
Rubye Lucas hold stock in the Atlanta Braves, while Louis Smith is a partner
with the Kansas City Royals, and P. J. Benton is a part owner of the Tampa Bay
Devil Rays. In the NFL Deron Cherry of the Jacksonville Jaguars was the only
African-American listed as a minority owner.
Considering the large
percentage of black players in these leagues it does seem rather strange that
so few blacks hold ownership shares in franchises, and that only one black
serves in the roll of chief executive officer. In a sense, though, this
parallels the situation in corporate America in which there are only three CEOs
of Fortune 500 companies (Fortune, 2002). Consequently, the racial imbalance on
the ownership end may better reflect the larger demographic imbalance in
corporate America than it does any unique aspect of the sportÕs world.
Traditionally, teams
were owned by wealthy whites who made their money in other endeavors, and
ultimately passed them down to their progeny, who sold them to other wealthy
individuals, or to corporations. That virtually all of the individuals engaged
in these transactions over the years just happened to be white is magnified
somewhat because of the visibility of sports, and to the dominance of the black
athlete today. But, one also must realize that black ownership is not just a
matter of distributing franchises in proportion to national demographics. It
takes money, and lots of it to buy a team. Wealth is not distributed according
to demographics, and an examination of Forbes Wealthiest 400 individuals in
America in 1997 shows only one African-American on the list, Opra Winfrey.
Consequently, the racial imbalance in ownership seemingly is part of a wider
issue relating to distribution of wealth.
On the other hand the
attraction to owning a professional team might not be as great as it might seem
vis a vis opportunities in other business endeavors. As pointed out by Powell
(1996) the entry fee for owning a professional team is in the neighborhood of
$150 million dollars. There are few individuals, black or white, who have that
kind of money to invest, especially when the payback is not great and the
potential for aggravation is. Bill Cosby, mentioned as a potential team owner
over the years, conveyed that he really has little interest in dealing with
immature athletes, their agents, or a media which is constantly second guessing
management (Powell, 1996). While the wisdom of such an investment may be
questionable from an economic point of view, the challenge and symbolic
importance of breaking the ownership barrier, over 50 years after Jackie
Robinson entered baseball, are most probably driving blacks with money to
consummate a deal.
Data from Lapchick (2010) - 2008-09
| Sport League | NBA | WNBA | NFL | MLB |
| %AA Majority Ownership | 2 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
| Number of Franchises | 44 |
20 |
31 |
30 |
| Number of AA Owners | 1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
Management. A
number of other positions of authority exist in professional sports and include
persons holding such titles as CEO, Vice President, Professional Administrators, Physicians, and Radio/TV Announcers. From data provided by Lapchick (2010),
Table 2 collates the percentage of blacks holding these positions in the NBA,
NFL, MLB, and WNBA during 2008-09. As well, the percentage of senior administrators
(excluding secretaries, administrative assistants, staff assistants, and
receptionists) who hold front office positions is also included. These data
really show no surprises in that the front office is more reflective of offices
in other industries, rather than of the workers on the plant floor, or players
on the field.
Table 2. Percentage of Black vs White Administrators in Professional
Sports: 2008-2009
Position
| League | NBA | NFL | MLB | NHL | WNBA |
|
CEO |
15/85 |
0/100 |
0/100 |
0/100 |
13/87 |
|
Vice President |
11/87 |
8/92 |
4/89 |
4 |
6/92
|
|
Senior Administrators (Title of director, coordinator, or manager) |
16/77
|
14/82
|
7/83
|
1/87 |
13/78
|
|
Radio/TV Announcers |
18/73
|
14/67
|
5/78
|
0/100 |
-
|
|
Physicians |
3/88
|
5/90
|
5/87
|
3/94 |
7/80
|
|
Team Professional Administration |
16/71
|
11/83
|
8/86
|
3/97 |
14/72
|
Coaches. From a
management perspective, the individual closest to the player is the coach. In
this position one might expect to find a higher percentage of blacks than in
the front office. This may be anticipated since coaches typically are former
players, and with a higher percentage of African-American athletes who retire
from sport, a larger pool of candidates for coaching positions would evolve.
Table 3 shows the percentage of head and assistant coaches in the NBA, NFL, MLB, and WNBA during 2008-09. As seen, the NBA led the group in both categories of head
and assistant coaches. Furthermore, if a route to a head coaching position
comes from first being an assistant coach, it appears that the number of head
positions held by blacks should increase in the future for all but the MLB.
Table 3. Percentage of Black/White Head Coaches,
Managers, and Assistant Coaches in Professional Sports:.
Position
| League | NBA | NFL | MLB | WNBA |
|
Head Coach/Manager |
37/60 |
19/81 |
13/73 |
38/62 |
|
Assistant Coaches/Managers |
41/58 |
34/64 |
12/67 |
42/58 |
Demographics of
Administration in College Sports. In college sports the analogous position
to team owner is that of athletic director. Like their counterparts in the
professional arena, athletic directors play a major role in hiring personnel
including coaches, trainers, fund raisers, and sports information directors.
For 2005-2006, in Division 1, 5% of athletic directors were black (NCAA, 2007). Interestingly, for
2005-06, the last year for which data were available (NCAA, 2010), 31% of student athletes
in Division 1 were black (black males = 39% of male athletes, black females =
21% of female athletes). Consequently, the pattern found in professional
sport of a disproportionate number of blacks playing on teams controlled by
whites appears to be similar, but somewhat smaller in magnitude in the
collegiate ranks. Table 4 below shows a sample of the percentage of blacks
holding other administrative positions in Division 1 athletics programs (NCAA,
2007).
Table 4. Athletics
Administrative Staff: 2005-2006*
Position % Black
|
Athletic Director |
5.5
|
|
Associate Athletic
Director |
8.2 |
|
Assistant Director of
Athletics |
8.7 |
|
Senior Woman
Administrator |
10.7
|
|
Academic Counselor |
23
|
|
Business Manager |
3.1
|
|
Development -
Fund Raiser |
5.6
|
|
Facility Manager |
5.7
|
|
Marketing
Manager |
5.3
|
|
Sports
Information Director |
.8 |
|
Head Trainer |
1.3
|
Demographics of
Coaching. To parallel the data on coaching presented for professional sports,
Table 5 presents comparable data for Division 1 college teams during 2005-2006
(NCAA, 2007). As seen, the percentages tend to parallel those in the NBA, NFL,
and MLB, in order. In addition, the percentages of baseball coaches are
strikingly lower than their professional counterparts. As well, the percentage
of head coaches of woman's collegiate basket teams is lower than found in the
WNBA, while the percentage of assistant coaches is similar. With the exception
of baseball, it appears that we might expect to see more black head coaches in
the future if the route to becoming a head coach is via being an assistant
first.
Table 5. Percentage of Black Head and Assistant Coaches in Division
1 MenÕs Basketball, Football, and Baseball, and Woman's Basketball and Softball: 2005-06*
| Sport | Basketball | Football | Baseball | Woman's BB | Softball |
|
Head Coach/Manager |
25.2
|
6.1
|
.5 |
12.1
|
1.1 |
|
Assistant
Coaches/Managers |
28.2
|
21.1
|
3.1
|
25.9 |
4.1 |
*Historically Black
Institutions Excluded
From the data presented on
professional and collegiate sports it is evident that a gap exists between
opportunities for African Americans as players and opportunities for them as
administrators and coaches. Seemingly, racial discrimination played a part in
not only precluding blacks from playing earlier in the century, but also from
working for teams in other capacities. Today, while the numbers would suggest
that blacks are no longer discriminated against as players, one might ponder
why there are not more who are owners, athletic directors, head coaches, and
managers?
As a response, one could
make the argument that the abilities and skills necessary to succeed as players
are not the same as those necessary to succeed in areas related to the
organizational and administrative aspects of sport. Thus, a large playing
population of blacks does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that there
should be a greater percentage of blacks in other sports roles. Assuming that
most positions in professional and sport organizations require a college or
graduate degree, it might be more meaningful to assess the demographics of
these positions by looking at the population of individuals holding such
degrees, than to assessing them in relation to the population of athletes who
excel on the courts and playing fields. As a rough estimate, data reported by
The Chronicle of Higher Education (2010) showed that blacks represented about
13% of all students enrolled in colleges during 2007, and 9%, of those respectively receiving
bachelors and masters degrees. When these figures are used to assess employment
patterns in professional and college sports organizations the demographics do
not appear to be disproportionately biased in any systematic fashion. In the
final analysis, as in other endeavors, the route towards increased
representation in professional occupations, among which the many non-playing
sport positions should be included, comes with educational attainment. This
represents a broader issue in society, but one that is magnified by the strange
disproportionality of players to administrators and coaches in our major
professional and collegiate athletic programs.
Stacking
Stacking relates to the phenomenon of finding a
non-random distribution of whites and blacks in certain playing positions. For
example, in baseball, pitchers and catchers have tended to be
disproportionately white, while outfielders have tended to be black
(Rosenblatt, 1967). In football quarterback is typically a position held by
whites, while wide-receiver and running back are ones held by blacks (Jones,
Leonard II, Schmitt, Randall, & Tolone, 1987). Historically, in basketball,
the positions of center and guard were disproportionately held by whites, while
forward was identified as a black position (these patterns have been eliminated
as participation rates by blacks have increased; Berghorn, Yetman, & Hanna,
1988).
A number of explanations
have been advanced to account for this phenomenon. Using ideas proposed by
Blalock (1962) and Grusky (1963) Loy and McElvogue (1970) argued that the
degree to which a position was involved with social interaction, and the degree
to which it was central in a group would be directly related to racial
segregation on a sports team. Their analyses of baseball (in which catcher,
pitcher, shortstop, second base and third base were identified as central), and
football (in which quarterback, center, offensive guard, and linebacker were
identified as central) were consistent with their contention. Edwards (1973),
however, argued that the centrality theme was less about simple spatial
location than it was about the degree of control and leadership associated with
a position. Consequently, pitchers and catchers or quarterbacks and centers are
not only in the center of coordinating game activities, but they exert greater
control over what happens in terms of action and outcome. Coupled with
stereotypical beliefs about race related cognitive and physical capabilities
(e. g., Williams and Youssef, 1975; Hoberman, 1997), the idea that whites are
more suitable for positions requiring greater thinking and decision making, and
blacks are better adapted for positions requiring greater physical prowess is a
short leap. Interestingly, such beliefs about racial differences transcend our
borders and are found as well in England (Lashley, 1989). Hoberman (1997) makes
the case that the creation and maintenance of such a belief structure was
important to colonial psychology because it provided a justification for white
male authority. Today, it is used to provide a basis for separation between
playing, administrative, ownership positions in sports.
Such ideas would suggest
that white and black players are, in some fashion, channeled into positions which
match stereotypes by persons in authority (i. e., coaches, owners). To support
such a contention, data would be required which demonstrated that at earlier
stages of participation blacks and whites are proportionately distributed
across playing positions, and as they move up the athletic pyramid, they tend
to be distributed disproportionately into certain playing positions. One
earlier study by Eitzen and Sanford (1975) found that for 387 professional
football players that a shift from central to non-central positions had
occurred for blacks as they moved from high school and college to the
professional ranks. Whether such a phenomenon is a result of actively
channeling players of different races into certain roles, or whether players
opt for these roles as they ascend the athletic pyramid was not ascertained by
this study. Perhaps, both mechanisms are responsible. Olsen (1968), for
example, conveys the anecdote of Gene Washington, a black who played
quarterback at Stanford during his first two years, and then switched to
flanker in his junior year. He, not his coaches, requested the change reasoning
that a black had little chance to make it in the NFL as a quarterback unless he
was outstanding. So he opted for the more peripheral role in which he thought
he had a chance to play professionally.
An alternative to the
channeling hypothesis was proposed by McPherson (1975). He argued that instead
of black youth being channeled into certain positions by coaches, they merely
modeled their athletic heroes, and consequently played similar positions in
their own athletic careers. Because the first positions played by blacks in
baseball were in the outfield, and in football they were in the offensive and
defensive backfield, as well as on the defensive line, subsequent black players
followed in their model's footsteps, perpetuating the cycle. Inferred is the
idea that channeling may have once been an explanation for disproportionality
in playing roles, but now disproportionality can be better explained by
modeling. Some evidence supports this interpretation. For example, Brower
(cited in Eitzen and Sage, 1986, p. 276) asked a sample of 23 white and 20
black high school football players which athletes they most admired, and which
positions they preferred to play if they were able. Seventy percent of the
blacks choose only black role models while whites chose role models
irrespective of race. As well, black athletes also preferred to play at the
non-central positions which were at the time typically black positions. More
recently, Price (1997a) reported that black and white kids were asked to
identify their athletic role models. Interestingly, 7 out of 10 athletes named
were black, and he inferred that black and white kids were color-blind in
selecting names. While the question was not asked regarding which playing
positions kids wished to play, the article infers from various anecdotes that
black kids wished to follow in the footsteps of black stars.
Today, many have the impression that stacking is
no longer an issue since blacks have become such a dominant force in our three
major professional sport. Yet, the 2009 Racial and Gender Report Card
(Lapchick, 2010) tells a somewhat different story. Table 7 clearly shows that
in the NFL, although 67% of the players are black, they are still
disproportionately found on offense at the running back and wide receiver
positions and on defense as cornerbacks and as safeties. Notwithstanding,
many people have assumed that stacking is no longer an issue..
Table 7
also indicates that in baseball stacking still seems to be a factor. Whereas
blacks represent 10% of players, they are over-represented in the outfield and
underrepresented in the positions of central control, pitcher and catcher.
Table 6. Stacking in the NFL: 2008
|
Offense |
% of Blacks |
|
Running Back |
85 |
|
Wide Receiver |
89
|
|
Center |
20
|
|
Quarterback |
17
|
|
|
|
|
Defense |
% of Blacks |
|
Cornerback |
97
|
|
Safety |
84
|
|
Defensive End |
77
|
|
Linebacker |
77
|
|
Defensive Tackle |
77
|
Table 7. Stacking in the
MLB: 2008
|
Position |
% Blacks |
|
Outfield
|
32
|
|
1B |
9 |
|
2B |
15*
|
|
SS |
7*
|
|
3B |
5*
|
|
Pitcher |
5
|
|
Catcher |
0
|
Although the phenomenon
of stacking is interesting from a sociological viewpoint because it provides a
window into historical and more modern forms of racism in sport, it also has
practical implications for players. The argument has been made that positions
disproportionately occupied by blacks typically require greater speed, power,
and reactive capabilities. These assets are often the first to decline as an
athlete ages. In an analysis of playing longevity in the NFL Eitzen and Sage
(1986) found that in 1975, only 4.1 percent of players listed in the Football
Register in the positions - defensive back, running back, and wide receiver
(predominantly black positions) were in the league for 10 or more years, while
14.8 percent of quarterbacks, centers, and offensive guards (predominantly
white positions) played for 10 or more years. In a more recent study, Best
(1987) concluded that players occupying 75% of positions typically held by
blacks had careers that were shorter than 75% of positions typically held by
whites. His analysis concluded that the median duration of careers for blacks
in the NFL was about 3 years, while for whites it was approximately 4 years.
Though not dramatically different, this could amount to a 25% difference in
career earnings as well as long term differences in pension benefits which are
a function of longevity in the league.
A second aspect of
stacking is post playing career opportunities as coaches and managers. A number
of studies suggest that coaches and managers in baseball (Grusky, 1963; Scully,
1974; Leonard II, Ostrosky, & Huchendorf, 1990), football (Massengale,
& Farrington, 1977), and basketball (Chu, & Segrave, 1980) tend to come
from playing positions that are central, rather than peripheral. While this
evidence is only correlational in nature, the argument is that owners and
administrators are more likely to hire coaches who, as players, were more
central in determining the outcome of games. Seemingly, quarterbacks, catchers,
and guards (in basketball) run the offense, have a greater understanding of the
overall picture, and should transition more easily into leadership roles than
individuals who played in more remote positions. As previously conveyed,
players occupying more central positions tend to be disproportionately white,
and upon retirement from playing become a pool of likely candidates for
coaching positions. While such an argument is interesting and may partially
account for a disproportionate number of white managers and coaches, it
certainly does not explain all aspects of the issue. Indeed, there are many
coaches and managers who were not former players (Leonard II, Ostrosky, &
Huchendorf, 1990), or did not play in central positions. Seemingly, overt
discrimination may still play a part in who gets hired. Certainly, Al CampanisÕ
assertions about blacks not having the "necessities" to take
leadership positions in sports was not that of an isolated voice, but typical
of beliefs that have existed for hundreds of years, and continue to exit today
(Hoberman, 1997).
Concluding Remarks
The issue of race and sport, with special attention to the black
athlete, is an interesting story that continues to unfold. Many would prefer
not to examine the topic in fear of arousing claims of racism from those who
fear such a study simply adds to many of the stereotypical beliefs about black
people that tend to separate them from mainstream America. Here it has been
argued that the opposite is probably true. A study of the black athlete tells
us not only about a uniquely talented group of men and women, but about race
relations in the United States, beliefs upon which they are founded, and
changes that need to be made within and outside the world of sports to make our
society more consistent with the tenets upon which it is based.
From a plethora of
sources it seems evident that the demographic anomaly of blacks being
disproportionately over-represented in our major sports is not a result of a
unique biological predisposition to excel. As previously discussed,
anthropologists and geneticists for many years have argued that race as a
biological concept is meaningless because of the great genetic variability that
exists within and between traditional racial groups. In essence, people with
darker skins come in all shapes and sizes with a cross section of abilities and
capabilities that overlap with those of people having lighter skin
pigmentation. This is not to say that a genetic predisposition to excel in
specific sports does not exist, but rather that no one has yet shown such to be
related to skin color. The same argument is equally compelling for intellectual
capacity (Gladwell, 2007). If race as a biological concept is invalid, then too are claims that
people with lighter skins are intellectually superior to those with darker
skins.
If biological arguments
for demographic disproportionality of blacks in sport are discounted, we are
forced to look at alternative explanations that may not only account for this
phenomenon, but the larger phenomenon of opportunity, in a country founded on
the premise that all persons should have an equal opportunity to realize their
dreams. While this may be true for black kids who devote extraordinary amounts
of time, and expend prodigal amounts of energy honing skills and capacities
that allow them to ultimately realize their dream of becoming professional
athletes, one must ask why so many see this path as a realistic occupational
goal given the odds against succeeding at it, and the odds for succeeding in
other careers? Indeed, the large base of aspirants necessary to produce the
disproportionate number of black athletes that we see today in our major sports
is recognized as a social problem in that the development of other non-athletic
skills, leading to more realistic career options, are being neglected (Ashe,
1977). Indeed, while blacks make up 77% of the NBA, 64% of the WNBA, and 65% of
the NFL, they are only 4.2% of our physicians, 2.7% of our lawyers, and 2.2% of
our civil engineers (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1997). The point is that
striving to become a professional athlete is a risky proposition for any person
since it often requires many years of total dedication that often is associated
with a failure to develop knowledge and skill in other areas. The vast majority
of aspirants never see a professional pay day, and are ill equipped to do other
things. But for a variety of reasons, blacks have become more vulnerable to the
carrot that is held out, and the great success of black athletes is accompanied
by too many forgotten youth who not only have no contract, but no direction.
The question of why
blacks seem so directed to pursuing an athletic career is of considerable
interest to students of sport. Edwards (1973) has argued that the major reason
for this is a lack of perceived opportunities in other areas. Undoubtedly,
overt and covert discrimination has historically played a part in relegating
them to support positions, rather than to those of authority and control across
a large spectrum of educational and occupational endeavors. Seemingly, black
youth who are in search of role models observe blacks as successful athletes
and entertainers, but do not see or have contact with the disproportionally few
who have succeeded in the professions or in the corporate world. Consequently,
these youth commit considerable intellectual and physical energy to becoming
professional athletes rather than to a variety of other occupations with which
they have difficulty identifying. A recent Sports Illustrated poll showed that
55% of black middle school and high school youth believed that they might be
good enough to play in the NBA one day, while only 20% of white youth believed
this to be so (Price, 1997a). As well, 49% of the black youth polled thought
that they could play in the NFL some time in the future, while 27% of whites
believed that they would be able to play in the pros.
The fact that black
youth have somewhat of an unrealistic belief in their athletic prospects may
seem irrational to the casual observer, but such beliefs are not simply the
creation of a group of immature children and adolescents who are living in a
fantasy world. As Hoberman (1997) points out, the mystique of the physical
superiority of the black athlete is pervasive in both black and white
communities around the world, and Price (1997a) conveys that because of such
beliefs white athletes are gravitating to peripheral sports, while blacks are
taking their places in team sports. The mechanism driving this demographic
shift is a system of beliefs, embraced by both groups, that is based on the
unfounded biological assertion that blacks are genetically stronger, faster,
quicker, and born with optimal instincts for sports requiring speed and power.
Interestingly, this is a reversal of thinking held during the colonial era when
physical vibrancy was characteristic of white males and associated with the
dominance exhibited by European nations over lands inhabited by dark skinned
peoples. Hoberman points out that today "...athletic superiority is, in a
Darwinian sense, a vestigial trait that possesses ornamental rather than
strategic value for nations..." (p. 119), and white dominance over blacks
is now achieved by the disparity in power resulting from technological
advantages.
This is precisely the
point raised by Edwards (1972) a quarter of a century ago when he observed that
whites lose little in reinforcing the belief in black physical superiority in
that in the modern world physical superiority really counts for very little
outside of sports. Indeed, he states that "... a multitude of even lower
animals are physically superior, not only to whites, but to mankind as a whole:
gorillas are physically superior to whites, leopards are physically superior to
whites, as are lions, walruses and elephants. So by asserting that blacks are
physically superior, whites at best reinforce some old stereotypes long held
about Afro-Americans-to wit, that they are little removed from the apes in
evolutionary development" (p.
60). In a technological society a premium is instead put on the intellectual
prowess necessary to build and run machines, and process information. This is a
key issue for those attempting to dispel the "innate superiority
hypothesis" because of the fear that casual acceptance of such is easily
yoked to the "intellectual inadequacy hypothesis."
As noted by many
observers over the years, such thinking may have invidious consequences, the
least of which are evidenced by individuals such as Jimmy "the Greek"
Snyder and Al Campanis. The real problem is that when people begin to believe
that blacks are advantaged physically, but limited intellectually (e. g.,
Hernstein, & Murray, 1996), individual behavior may change to reflect and
reinforce such thinking. In the end it makes little difference whether or not
the genetic hypotheses are correct, since people will behave as if they were,
adding further circumstantial evidence to sustain invalid and unsupportable
contentions. Indeed, the phenomenon of stacking can be explained by such a
mechanism. If one ascribes to the belief that blacks are superior at playing
positions requiring speed, power, and reactive capacity, those in control will
position black players in such positions. If it is believed that blacks do not
have the "necessities" to manage teams, or play in central positions
they will not be placed there. Furthermore, if whites believe that they are
incapable of competing with blacks in activities requiring speed and power
("White Men CanÕt Jump"), they will stop doing so (Price, 1997a). On
the other hand, if blacks believe that they are superior to whites in these
activities, they will have a greater sense of self-efficacy (e.g., Bandura, 1990), and excel in competition. In the end, the
biological hypothesis becomes a self-fulfilling prophesy, despite its failure
to be corroborated scientifically. Once beliefs and stereotypes are established
in our collective unconscious the pattern is difficult to break. How will the
demographics of control become more equitable in sport, if we are
"stuck" with the belief that what exists, and has existed for some
time, is "normal"? Would it not be beneficial to have more black
owners, coaches, and administrators in our professional and collegiate sports?
While progress has been
slow, a recent issue of Sports Illustrated contained a review of how black
influence in sport has changed since it first published its series on the black
athlete 35 years ago (A New World Order, 2003). While the article identifies
influential performers and ex-performers such as Tiger Wood, Serena Williams,
Shaquille OÕNeal, and Michael Jordan, it also lists such notables as BETÕs Robert Johnson (majority owner of the
Charlotte Hornets), Tyrone Willingham (Notre Dame Football Coach), Gene Upshaw
(Executive Director of the NFL Players Association), Ulice Payne (President of the
Milwaukee Brewers), and Anita DeFranz (Vice President of the IOC). Clearly, the
times have changed as the list of 101 influential minority persons lists many
more individuals in positions of influence and control, than as reflecting
simply excellence in performance.
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Ballad, Sarah. (1988,
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